Stories

On Remembrance Day, let’s remember battlefield choices are not always black-and-white

Bob Tarantino
November 9, 2010
Toronto lawyer Bob Tarantino argues the recent verdict on Robert Semrau was both understanding of battlefield conditions—and just.
Stories

On Remembrance Day, let’s remember battlefield choices are not always black-and-white

Bob Tarantino
November 9, 2010
Toronto lawyer Bob Tarantino argues the recent verdict on Robert Semrau was both understanding of battlefield conditions—and just.
Share on Facebook
Share on Twitter

The recent dismissal of Captain Robert Semrau from the Canadian Armed Forces following his conviction on charges of disgraceful conduct—and his acquittal on second-degree murder and attempted murder charges—has been both hailed and condemned. The facts of the case were not in dispute; he shot an unarmed and grievously wounded enemy combatant on the battlefield in Helmand province, Afghanistan.

Semrau’s acquittal on the more serious charges but conviction on the lesser charge was what stirred up the controversy. One criticism of Semrau’s treatment that should not be allowed to stand is that the verdict is “nonsensical” (in the words of the National Post’s editors, “patently illogical”) or an irresponsible fudging of the law – the verdict is not only comprehensible, but laudable. Legal decisions need not be logical, but they should be just. The Semrau verdict demonstrates that the common law is a mechanism capable of delivering a subtle and nuanced justice.

It is important to note the verdict was delivered not by a judge but by a military panel of five officers, the Canadian Forces equivalent of the colloquial “jury of one’s peers.” That echo of the common law jury is the most salient point for understanding the Semrau verdict: the Semrau case is a perfect example of a humane, if difficult, verdict. It was rendered to ameliorate a potential injustice caused by the inexorable application of abstract rules.

Legal conclusions are not like an algebraic equation: firing a shot with intent to kill does not always equal murder (or attempted murder). A jury (or military panel) is not required to provide oral or written reasons for its verdict, but some informed speculation is possible about how the military panel concluded that Robert Semrau did not deserve to be labelled a murderer, even though he admitted to shooting an unarmed enemy fighter.

A variety of defences are permitted by the common law; a defendant is not limited simply to arguing “it wasn’t me”. Entire categories of defences are premised on the express admission by the accused that he or she committed the acts in question. The form of defence referred to by the term “justification” challenges whether, taking account of all the circumstances, what was done was in fact wrongful. The accused admits he committed the acts he is accused of, and acknowledges that he understood what he was doing, but argues the acts in question were not “wrongful” in a sense relevant for the criminal law.

The classic examples are breaking the speed limit while rushing a gravely injured friend to the hospital or killing an armed assailant in self-defence. The defence is sometimes formulated as choosing the lesser of two evils. Confronted with that dilemma, the law should be reluctant to punish someone who better promotes society’s values by disobeying a law than by obeying it.

The circumstances in which Robert Semrau found himself in October 2008 offer another classic, if chilling, example of a justification excuse: confronted with a dying man who stood no reasonable prospect of receiving medical treatment, should he let the man “bleed out” and suffer a protracted and agonizing death, or should he “put him out of his misery”? As we know, Semrau elected to kill the man in order to relieve his suffering. Applying the formulation of justification-type defences, Robert Semrau’s argument would have been that he certainly pulled the trigger but, in light of the circumstances in which he found himself, he wasn’t wrong to do so.

In the mid-1980s the Supreme Court of Canada and the Law Reform Commission of Canada struggled to formulate rules which could adequately address justification defences. For the most part, they proved incredibly reluctant to do so, circumscribing the defence to relatively easy to describe situations such as “self-defence”. They failed to articulate a broader principle because formulating such a rule is an impossible task. Allowing a principles-based formal defence of justification is a function of equitable mercy, not legal sanction. The infinite possibilities of “justifying” circumstances with which a court could be confronted do not admit of reduction to binary tests. Our system of positive law is not well-suited to allowing an articulated defence of “justification.”

However, we are not limited solely to the law as it is set out in statutes. Juries are not constrained, as are judges, by the same need to create rules which must serve as guidelines for future cases. While juries are not infallible, we can often count on them to display a type of wisdom which tempers the excesses and occasional injustices which might be levied by prosecutors, judges and black-letter law. And the underlying motivation of recognizing the defence of “justification” is impossible to miss when one examines the Semrau decision. The jury and the flexibility of the common law act as bulwarks against dogmatism and excessive formality which may afflict professionals such as lawyers and judges. Indeed, lawyers in Canada are barred from serving on juries and courts martial military panels.

What Robert Semrau did on the battlefield may not be commendable. In the circumstances though, the jury passed judgment on him and concluded he certainly did not deserve to be labelled a “murderer,” nor even be found guilty of attempted murder. Measured against the strict duties imposed on members of our military, however, he failed to live up to such duties and so was found guilty of behaving in a disgraceful manner.

There no inconsistency between those two verdicts. Law and justice do not always coincide. But in the Semrau verdict, they did.

Love C2C Journal? Here's how you can help us grow.

More for you

AI, Huh, Yeah! What is it Good for? Absolutely Nothin’

Artificial intelligence is the most hyped, most feared and most misunderstood technology of our times. But just how worried should we be? Technology analyst Gleb Lisikh demonstrated in Part One of this series why large language models can’t be trusted to provide answers that are factual and true. In this instalment he shows why AI will have huge impacts all the same on how society functions. The technology can, in fact, make everything from finance to education and health care more efficient. And even though it merely mimics human thought and interaction, people will still rush to use it. Because, as even Lisikh admits, it’s so dang useful. Thankfully, a few simple rules can help you get the most out of it – and avoid being tricked.

The Hollow Heart of AI: Why Large Language Models Can’t Think – and Never Will

In its earlier days, artificial intelligence was often mocked for giving users false or even absurd answers. But AI was feared as well, not least for its potential to do more harm than good. As it has advanced, AI has become seemingly more reliable. But can it ever produce unbiased truth? Computing expert Gleb Lisikh opens up the black box of the large language models underlying today’s proliferating AI apps to reveal the misunderstanding – or hoax – at the core of that question. LLMs cannot think, Lisikh explains in Part I of this two-part series – nor can they seek the truth – because they just aren’t designed to.

Climate Climbdown: Sacrificing the Canadian Economy for Net Zero Goals Others Are Abandoning

Climate-obsessed politicians – Justin Trudeau in the vanguard – nearly destroyed the Canadian economy chasing emissions targets that are both unrealistic and pointless. Ottawa and the four biggest provinces have squandered $158 billion to create just 68,000 “clean” jobs. Meanwhile, fossil fuels are supplying a bigger share of Canada’s energy needs than ever. And now, leading U.S. officials and even eco-zealots like Bill Gates are re-evaluating their net-zero ideology. But that hasn’t gotten through to Prime Minister Mark Carney who, warns Gwyn Morgan, intends to inflict further punishment on an ailing country in pursuit of a delusional cause.

More from this author

The fantastic fiction of Guy Gavriel Kay

Nothing in the books, essays, poems or tweets of Canadian writer Guy Gavriel Kay explicitly declares his political orientation. But a reader might deduce, from the vast knowledge of history and evolution of cultures that informs and inspires the fantastic fictional worlds Kay creates, that he shares conservative convictions about the importance of history and tradition. Moreover he subscribes to the ancient aphorism that “mythology is what never was, but always is,” which suggests a devotion to timeless moral truths. Most importantly, writes Bob Tarantino, Kay’s stories expand our understanding of what it is to be human, which is the essence of great literature.

It’s Not the Charter, It’s the Judges

Everybody bellyaches about judges when they disagree with a decision, but in Canada conservatives and libertarians have grumbled louder and longer than most. Many blame the 1982 Constitution and Charter when decisions don`t go their way, but Bob Tarantino says the problem is not the law, it’s the judges. Liberals and progressives have dominated the legal system for decades and if the right wants to balance the scales of justice, it has to build a conservative legal community from the ground up.

The inconvenient Indian collective: Bob Tarantino reviews Thomas King’s new book

Thomas King has produced a new, almost poetic account of Indians and their relationship with European settlers. He inevitably struggles with articulating and abiding by a convention on how to treat individuals and collectivities. He is not alone. Bob Tarantino reviews The Inconvenient Indian: A Curious Account of Native People in North America.