Stories

The regressive assumptions of identity politics

Mark Milke
January 17, 2014
Identity politics assume your race, gender, religion, age and other factors are major determinants of one’s views and actions. It’s a throwback to an earlier and regressive age. Mark Milke explains…
Stories

The regressive assumptions of identity politics

Mark Milke
January 17, 2014
Identity politics assume your race, gender, religion, age and other factors are major determinants of one’s views and actions. It’s a throwback to an earlier and regressive age. Mark Milke explains…
Share on Facebook
Share on Twitter

A few months back when I flogged my latest book on a cross-country tour, a young woman in Toronto—Muslim with the full hijab, a student, and born in Saudi Arabia, attended my talk.

According to the assumptions of “modern” identity politics, someone in that demographic—female, a person of colour, single, young, lives in downtown Toronto, attends university, non-Christian, foreign-born—should be of the belief that, for example, compassion is signified by higher taxes; that right-leaning political parties cannot accommodate someone with her religious beliefs; or that students naturally favour more government intervention in any number of areas.  

After chatting with her, it turned out the young lady was a partisan (Conservative); not a fan of government intervention (libertarian); and annoyed with campus colleagues and others who assume her views originate with her skin colour, gender, religion, or head covering—and that somehow, people with certain surface similarities must think alike.  Naturally, they were surprised when she didn’t fit their preconceived stereotype.

That university student had her views pegged in advance by some people because of the prevalence of identity politics. That’s where it is assumed your gender, race, religion, age, wealth (or lack thereof) will inevitably and deterministically shape one’s views, or will restrict one’s potential for compassion for others who are “different” in some irrelevant way.

The assumptions are regressive but the results of such thinking were on display again recently.

Ryerson University released a “study” that noted “Canada’s newspaper columnists are mostly male and middle-aged.”  The study’s author e-mailed me as part of his survey. I ignored him (though I was anyway listed), as the assumption behind the question was obvious and ludicrous: your age and gender might explain your writing— this as opposed to deeply pondering a matter and availing oneself of facts.

Of course, that’s not what the Ryerson report concludes, explicitly, but what other meaning can one draw from those who make a big deal about such surface characteristics? I’m surprised Ryerson didn’t add skin colour to the list but that would have made its survey even more obviously a throwback to an earlier age, when how you looked was wrongly assumed to guide how you think, your capabilities or how you act.

One who did add skin as an important characteristic was Calgary Mayor Naheed Nenshi. In a speech the other day, Nenshi told the assembled crowd that City Hall was “lousy at promoting a diverse workforce.” He noted that among his top six managers, not one was a woman and that of the 34 next most senior city managers, “I can think of one person from a visible minority.”

In an immigrant-based society, diversity (including in the statistics) will naturally occur as those in existing jobs move on. But the problem with a focus on surface characteristics—and the belief they matter to columns or careers—is the underlying assumption that only “similar” people can truly understand or empathize with others that possess some comparable characteristic.

That notion is noxious. History is replete with examples of those who effect change and are not bound by their upbringing, skin, gender or other ultimately irrelevant factors.

For instance, while aspects of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal did not in fact help end the Great Depression (and in some cases exacerbated it), his motivation to help the poor was obvious. But identity politics cannot explain how an old, wealthy Caucasian like Roosevelt could care about people at a completely different station in life, i.e., the poor.

Or ponder other examples: The (white) 18th/19th-century English parliamentarian and abolitionist William Wilberforce spent his life to abolish (mainly black) slavery in the British Empire, and succeeded; the (black) Nelson Mandela urged reconciliation between all South Africans; Jewish Americans involved in the civil rights movement worked to bolster American blacks; a rather male upper-crust British Conservative party chose female Margaret Thatcher as party leader.

The attachment to viewing people as part of a group and not as individuals—someone else thinks you belong to a certain cohort and so everyone in that group supposedly think  and feel alike?—is odious, divisive and dangerous. It subsumes individual hearts and heads to group assumptions and groupthink. That is the presumptuous belief the young Muslim lady in Toronto that I met regularly encounters. It is illiberal thinking falsely masquerading as liberalism.  

So how is it possible for people of a different age, race, background, orientation, religion, income, culture or countries to understand and have compassion for others? That’s easy: Because they possess empathy—and they think.

Love C2C Journal? Here's how you can help us grow.

More for you

Ottawa is Playing a Game of Charter Chicken with the Provinces

The federal government has long objected to provinces using the Charter of Rights and Freedoms’ “notwithstanding” clause, arguing it lets them trample over the rights of Canadians. But that view, flawed as it is, is nothing compared to Ottawa’s latest gambit on this issue, writes Andrew Roman. Liberal Justice Minister Sean Fraser’s recent intervention in the case of Quebec’s Bill 21 asks the Supreme Court of Canada to declare limits on the use of the notwithstanding clause. This would amount to a backdoor amendment of the Constitution by the court, one that would give judges even more power and leave elected representatives even less scope to avoid or undo their harmful decisions. More than just an attack on provincial autonomy, writes Roman, it threatens to upset the balance at the heart of Canada’s federal democracy.

What if October 7 Had Happened Not in Israel but in Canada?

It is probably beyond the imagination of most Canadians that they would ever face the kind of evil atrocity Israelis suffered on October 7, 2023. Or that we would find ourselves living next door to savage terrorists bent on our annihilation. But as Gwyn Morgan points out, it is critical to understand that reality as Israel’s struggle for existence carries on. The history of Israel is nothing short of miraculous. As Morgan personally observed on a tour of the world’s only Jewish state, Israelis have with determination and heart built a free, tolerant, prosperous and technologically-advanced democracy while surrounded by enemies. In the face of ruthless attacks by Hamas and the craven behaviour of supposed friends and allies who now lean in favour of the terrorists, Israel has reminded the rest of the world what real courage is.

One Country, Two Markets: The Shaky Promise and Unfair Burden of “Decarbonized” Oil

“Decarbonized” oil is being touted as a way to bridge the policy chasm separating energy-rich Alberta and the climate-change-obsessed Mark Carney government. Take the carbon dioxide normally emitted during the production and processing of crude oil and store it underground, the thinking goes, and Canada can have it all: plentiful jobs, a thriving industry, burgeoning exports and falling greenhouse gas emissions. But is “decarbonized” oil really a potential panacea – or an oxymoron that makes no more sense than “dehydrated” water? In this original analysis, former National Energy Board member Ron Wallace evaluates whether a massive push for carbon capture and storage can transform Alberta into a “clean energy superpower” – or will merely saddle its industry and government with a technical boondoggle and unbearable costs while Eastern Canada’s refiners remain free to import dirty oil from abroad.

More from this author

Not So Beautiful Minds: Conspiracy Theories from JFK to Oliver Stone and Donald Trump

Shocking events that plunge a country into chaos or destroy a beloved leader are hard for anyone to process. The evil done is so towering it bends the human psyche to accept that the evildoer is utterly banal, a loner walking in ordinary shoes. The cause simply must befit the outcome; thus can a conspiracy theory be hatched. At other times, the cold hope of political or financial gain or simple mischief might be the source. There certainly is no shortage of conspiracy theories. Mark Milke revisits one of history’s most famous political assassinations and the conspiracy theories it spawned to illuminate the ongoing danger this toxic tendency poses to us all.

Picture of Thomas Hobbes frontispiece of Leviathan. A renowned pieceof political work on liberty

Future of Conservatism Series, Part VII: Memo to Politicians: We’re Not Your Pet Projects

Canadian conservatives have most of the summer to ruminate on what they want their federal party to become – as embodied by their soon-to-be elected leader, anyway. Acceptability, likability and winnability will be key criteria. Above all, however, should be crafting and advancing a compelling policy alternative to today’s managerial liberalism, which has been inflated by the pandemic almost beyond recognition. Mark Milke offers a forceful rebuttal against the Conservative “alternative” comprising little more than a massaged form of top-down management.

Leaders_debate_2019_canada_diversity_bias_free_speech_liberal_conservative

So Much for Diversity: The Monochromatic Moderators of Monday’s Debate

Canada is a big, diverse country by virtually any measure, from our no-longer-so-sparse population to our epic geography to the ethnic makeup of our people. Diverse in every way, it seems, except in our elites’ aggressively progressive official-think. Consistent with this is the otherwise bizarre decision to have Monday’s federal leaders’ debate hosted by five decidedly similar female journalists. Mark Milke briefly profiles the five and, more important, advances a positive alternative: five distinguished women diverse in background, hometown and, above all, thought.