Stories

The trouble with apologies

Mark Milke
July 6, 2010
Let’s get over the collective apology thing; it’s not all that helpful….
Stories

The trouble with apologies

Mark Milke
July 6, 2010
Let’s get over the collective apology thing; it’s not all that helpful….
Share on Facebook
Share on Twitter

We live in an age of apologies where politicians and priests routinely profess regret for predecessors long dead and actions long since expired. On one level, it can be seen as a laudable feature of open, liberal societies. We encourage questioning of existing prejudices and policies, to say nothing of how exposing evil to light is a benefit– light being a moral disinfectant.

The result is that an existing consensus can be broken. But the apology part can be overdone. It is not clear how a present politician who offers up a “sorry” for the actions of a long-gone predecessor does much. Generally, if I offend someone, it’s up to me to offer the regret, not some relative 80 years from now.

Still, if an apology helps people set a marker against future ill behaviour, it is of some use both morally and symbolically.

But problems can arise from offering public regrets on behalf of others. Those who never engaged in the actions, or cover-ups, might well object to a collective apology, especially if they tried to root out the very behaviour that is now the subject of a mea culpa.

A second dilemma is the possible distortion of the historical record. A useful example is the residential schools issue, back in the media glare courtesy of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission now touring Canada.

Several years back, Richard Wagamese, an occasional contributor to the Calgary Herald, took pains to point out that while it was critical the very rotten side of residential schools be aired, and that he opposed such schools on principle, positive stories must also be shared. Without this, if I paraphrase his concern correctly, history and the present are ill-served. Wagamese gave the example of his mother, who credited residential schools for some important life skills.

Connected with the possibility of skewed history is a third problem, that of thinking past wrongs are responsible for present problems. That can lead to current ills given a misdiagnosis and that helps no one. An example appears in the latest issue of Macleans where novelist Joseph Boyden writes of the residential schools and their connection to native suicide. His essay blames much of the high native suicide rate, especially among youth, on such schools.

Boyden focuses on a particular reserve in northern Ontario, Kashechewan, with which he has personal experience. The article is compassionate and poignant but, insofar as present-day suicides are connected to the residential schools long shut down, the link is tenuous. In fact, it may miss the elephant in the room: how the marginal nature of many reserves creates the despondency and pathologies that everyone with a heart properly abhors.

As a colleague of mine, Joseph Quesnel, wrote recently in a paper that took a clear-eyed look at reserves, including the one cited by Boyden, the problem is often their location — about as far from opportunity as one can get. They are, in some cases, fly-in communities, hardly places where investment, jobs, a plethora of new social interaction, higher education and careers can thrive.

“Confinement in an isolated area without hope is a recipe for social dysfunction. It is no wonder communities such as Kashechewan suffer from obscene levels of suicide, addiction, marital breakdowns and violence,” wrote Quesnel in his analysis.

Unlike Boyden, who is sincerely compassionate but, I think, in error in his links, aboriginal author Calvin Helin in his book Dances with Dependency is no less critical of residential schools. He labels much 19th and 20th century government “Indian” policy as “a tragedy of Homeric proportions.” Critically though, Helin links more than a few present problems in aboriginal communities to the lack of realism about the limited economic opportunities that exist on many reserves. He finds fault with the enforced isolation of indigenous communities and the evolution of government as the sole source of wealth creation in tribal communities, i.e., the isolation trap combined with the welfare trap.

On that score, Quesnel has some recommendations. He wants at least some aboriginal leaders and communities to consider voluntary relocations, either collectively or individually, to get closer to a major population centre. This would not be of the Davis Inlet variety — merely a relocation from one very remote area to another very remote area in 2002 and at a cost of $200 million. Postrelocation, the CBC reported in 2005 that “virtually no progress has been made in programs and services.”

Absent moving significantly closer to economic and other opportunities, the only other alternative is to pump billions more dollars into non-viable reserves and hope such cash will somehow — “shaman-like” as Helin puts it in his book — solve the problem of a lack of opportunity.

It’s a feature of introspective people that apologies will flow more easily. That’s a result of people, or societies, willing to consider the possibility they may have erred; above caveats aside, it’s positive. But such regrets, even when personally necessary or collectively useful, shouldn’t get in the way of clear thinking about the cause of present problems. That instead requires some collective honesty.

~

Mark Milke is chairman of C2C’s editorial board

Love C2C Journal? Here's how you can help us grow.

More for you

Ottawa is Playing a Game of Charter Chicken with the Provinces

The federal government has long objected to provinces using the Charter of Rights and Freedoms’ “notwithstanding” clause, arguing it lets them trample over the rights of Canadians. But that view, flawed as it is, is nothing compared to Ottawa’s latest gambit on this issue, writes Andrew Roman. Liberal Justice Minister Sean Fraser’s recent intervention in the case of Quebec’s Bill 21 asks the Supreme Court of Canada to declare limits on the use of the notwithstanding clause. This would amount to a backdoor amendment of the Constitution by the court, one that would give judges even more power and leave elected representatives even less scope to avoid or undo their harmful decisions. More than just an attack on provincial autonomy, writes Roman, it threatens to upset the balance at the heart of Canada’s federal democracy.

What if October 7 Had Happened Not in Israel but in Canada?

It is probably beyond the imagination of most Canadians that they would ever face the kind of evil atrocity Israelis suffered on October 7, 2023. Or that we would find ourselves living next door to savage terrorists bent on our annihilation. But as Gwyn Morgan points out, it is critical to understand that reality as Israel’s struggle for existence carries on. The history of Israel is nothing short of miraculous. As Morgan personally observed on a tour of the world’s only Jewish state, Israelis have with determination and heart built a free, tolerant, prosperous and technologically-advanced democracy while surrounded by enemies. In the face of ruthless attacks by Hamas and the craven behaviour of supposed friends and allies who now lean in favour of the terrorists, Israel has reminded the rest of the world what real courage is.

One Country, Two Markets: The Shaky Promise and Unfair Burden of “Decarbonized” Oil

“Decarbonized” oil is being touted as a way to bridge the policy chasm separating energy-rich Alberta and the climate-change-obsessed Mark Carney government. Take the carbon dioxide normally emitted during the production and processing of crude oil and store it underground, the thinking goes, and Canada can have it all: plentiful jobs, a thriving industry, burgeoning exports and falling greenhouse gas emissions. But is “decarbonized” oil really a potential panacea – or an oxymoron that makes no more sense than “dehydrated” water? In this original analysis, former National Energy Board member Ron Wallace evaluates whether a massive push for carbon capture and storage can transform Alberta into a “clean energy superpower” – or will merely saddle its industry and government with a technical boondoggle and unbearable costs while Eastern Canada’s refiners remain free to import dirty oil from abroad.

More from this author

Not So Beautiful Minds: Conspiracy Theories from JFK to Oliver Stone and Donald Trump

Shocking events that plunge a country into chaos or destroy a beloved leader are hard for anyone to process. The evil done is so towering it bends the human psyche to accept that the evildoer is utterly banal, a loner walking in ordinary shoes. The cause simply must befit the outcome; thus can a conspiracy theory be hatched. At other times, the cold hope of political or financial gain or simple mischief might be the source. There certainly is no shortage of conspiracy theories. Mark Milke revisits one of history’s most famous political assassinations and the conspiracy theories it spawned to illuminate the ongoing danger this toxic tendency poses to us all.

Picture of Thomas Hobbes frontispiece of Leviathan. A renowned pieceof political work on liberty

Future of Conservatism Series, Part VII: Memo to Politicians: We’re Not Your Pet Projects

Canadian conservatives have most of the summer to ruminate on what they want their federal party to become – as embodied by their soon-to-be elected leader, anyway. Acceptability, likability and winnability will be key criteria. Above all, however, should be crafting and advancing a compelling policy alternative to today’s managerial liberalism, which has been inflated by the pandemic almost beyond recognition. Mark Milke offers a forceful rebuttal against the Conservative “alternative” comprising little more than a massaged form of top-down management.

Leaders_debate_2019_canada_diversity_bias_free_speech_liberal_conservative

So Much for Diversity: The Monochromatic Moderators of Monday’s Debate

Canada is a big, diverse country by virtually any measure, from our no-longer-so-sparse population to our epic geography to the ethnic makeup of our people. Diverse in every way, it seems, except in our elites’ aggressively progressive official-think. Consistent with this is the otherwise bizarre decision to have Monday’s federal leaders’ debate hosted by five decidedly similar female journalists. Mark Milke briefly profiles the five and, more important, advances a positive alternative: five distinguished women diverse in background, hometown and, above all, thought.